TOADY : OBSEQUIOUS :

(A) Agnostic : enlightened
(B) Highbrow : Bombastic
(C) Exhibitionist : Suspicious
(D) Misogynist : Insincere
(E) Blowhard : boastful

Heavily perfumed white flowers, such as gardenias, were favorites with collectors in the eighteenth century, when was____ valued much more highly than it is today.
(A) scent
(B) beauty
(C) elegance
(D) color
(E) variety

obloquy

a) tortuousness
b) directness
c) kindling
d) migration
e) praise

If a, b, and c are three consecutive odd integers such that 10<20 and if b and c are prime numbers, what is the value of a + b?
(A) 24
(B) 28
(C) 30
(D) 32
(E) 36

Women’s participation in the revolutionary events in France between 1789 and 1795 has only recently been given nuanced treatment. Early twentieth century historians of the French Revolution are typified by Jaures, who, though sympathetic to the women’s movement of his own time, never even mentions its antecedents in revolutionary France. Even today most general histories treat only cursorily a few individual women, like Marie Antoinette. The recent studies by Landes, Badinter, Godineau, and Roudinesco, however, should signal a much-needed reassessment of women’s participation.

Godineau and Roudinesco point to three significant phases in that participation. The first, up to mid-1792, involved those women who wrote political tracts. Typical of their orientation to theoretical issues—in Godineaus’s view, without practical effect—is Marie Gouze’s Declaration of the Right of Women. The emergence of vocal middle-class women’s political clubs marks the second phase. Formed in 1791 as adjuncts of middle-class male political clubs, and originally philanthropic in function, by late 1792 independent clubs of women began to advocate military participation for women. In the final phase, the famine of 1795 occasioned a mass women’s movement: women seized food supplies, hold officials hostage, and argued for the implementation of democratic politics. This phase ended in May of 1795 with the military suppression of this multiclass movement. In all three phases women’s participation in politics contrasted markedly with their participation before 1789. Before that date some noblewomen participated indirectly in elections, but such participation by more than a narrow range of the population—women or men—came only with the Revolution.

What makes the recent studies particularly compelling, however, is not so much their organization of chronology as their unflinching willingness to confront the reasons for the collapse of the women’s movement. For Landes and Badinter, the necessity of women’s having to speak in the established vocabularies of certain intellectual and political tradition diminished the ability of the women’s movement to resist suppression. Many women, and many men, they argue, located their vision within the confining tradition of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who linked male and female roles with public and private spheres respectively. But, when women went on to make political alliances with radical Jacobin men, Badinter asserts, they adopted a vocabulary and a violently extremist viewpoint that unfortunately was even more damaging to their political interests.

Each of these scholars has different political agenda and takes a different approach—Godineau, for example, works with police archives while Roudinesco uses explanatory schema from modern psychology. Yet, admirably, each gives center stage to a group that previously has been marginalized, or at best undifferentiated, by historians. And in the case of Landes and Badinter, the reader is left with a sobering awareness of the cost to the women of the Revolution of speaking in borrowed voices.

1) Which one of the following best states the main point of the passage?
(A) According to recent historical studies, the participation of women in the revolutionary events of 1789-1795 can most profitably be viewed in three successive stages.
(B) The findings of certain recent historical studies have resulted from an earlier general reassessment, by historians, of women’s participation in the revolutionary events of 1789-1795.
(C) Adopting the vocabulary and viewpoint of certain intellectual and political traditions resulted in no political advantage for women in France in the years 1789-1795.
(D) Certain recent historical studies have provided a much-needed description and evaluation of the evolving roles of women in the revolutionary events of 1789-1795.
(E) Historical studies that seek to explain the limitations of the women’s movement is more convincing than are those that seek only to describe the general features of that movement.

2) The passage suggests that Godineau would be likely to agree with which one of the following statements about Marie Gouze’s Declaration of the Rights of Women?
(A) This work was not understood by many of Gouze’s contemporaries.
(B) This work indirectly inspired the formation of independent women’s political clubs.
(C) This work had little impact on the world of political action.
(D) This work was the most compelling produced by a French woman between 1789 and 1792.
(E) This work is typical of the kind of writing French women produced between 1793 and 1795.

3) According to the passage, which one of the following is a true statement about the purpose of the women’s political cubs mentioned in line 20?
(A) These clubs fostered a mass women’s movement.
(B) These clubs eventually developed a purpose different from their original purpose.
(C) These clubs were founder to advocate military participation for women.
(D) These clubs counteracted the original purpose of male political clubs.
(E) These clubs lost their direction by the time of the famine of 1795.

4) The primary function of the first paragraph of the passage is to:
(A) outline the author’s argument about women’s roles in Frances between 1789 and 1795
(B) anticipate possible challenges to the findings of the recent studies of women in France between 1789 and 1795
(C) summarize some long-standing explanations of the role of individual women in France between 1789 and 1795
(D) present a context for the discussion of recent studies of women in France between 1789 and 1795
(E) characterize various eighteenth-century studies of women in France

5) The passage suggests that Landes and Badinter would be likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the women’s movement in France in the 1790s?
(A) The movement might have been more successful if women had developed their own political vocabularies.
(B) The downfall of the movement was probably unrelated to it alliance with Jacobin men.
(C) The movement had a great deal of choice about whether to adopt a Rousseauist political vocabulary.
(D) The movement would have triumphed if it had not been suppressed by military means.
(E) The movement viewed a Rousseauist political tradition, rather than a Jacobin political ideology, as detrimental to its interests.

6) In the context of the passage, the word “cost” in line 63 refers to the
(A) dichotomy of private roles for women and public roles for men
(B) almost nonexistent political participation of women before 1789
(C) historians’ lack of differentiation among various groups of women
(D) political alliances women made with radical Jacobin men
(E) collapse of the women’s movement in the 1790s

7) The author of the passage is primarily concerned with
(A) criticizing certain political and intellectual traditions
(B) summarizing the main points of several recent historical studies and assessing their value
(C) establishing a chronological sequence and arguing for its importance
(D) comparing and contrasting women’s political activities before and after the French Revolution
(E) reexamining a long-held point of view and isolating its strengths and weaknesses

The word democracy may stand for a natural social equality in the body politic or for a constitutional form of government in which power lies more or less directly in the people’s hand. The former may be called social democracy and the later democratic government. The two differ widely, both in origin and in moral principle. Genetically considered, social democracy is something primitive, unintended, proper to communities where there is general competence and no marked personal eminence. There be no will aristocracy, no prestige, but instead an intelligent readiness to lend a hand and to do in unison whatever is done. In other words, there will be that most democratic of governments—no government at all. But when pressure of circumstances, danger, or inward strife makes recognized and prolonged guidance necessary to a social democracy, the form its government takes is that of a rudimentary monarchy established by election or general consent. A natural leader emerges and is instinctively obeyed. That leader may indeed be freely criticized and will not be screened by any pomp or traditional mystery; he or she will be easy to replace and every citizen will feel essentially his or her equal. Yet such a state is at the beginnings of monarchy and aristocracy.

Political democracy, on the other hand, is a late and artificial product. It arises by a gradual extension of aristocratic privileges, through rebellion against abuses, and in answer to restlessness on the people’s part. Its principle is not the absence of eminence, but the discovery that existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative. It may retain many vestiges of older and less democratic institutions. For under democratic governments the people have not created the state; they merely control it. Their suspicions and jealousies are quieted by assigning to them a voice, perhaps only a veto, in the administration. The people’s liberty consists not in their original responsibility for what exists, but merely in the faculty they have acquired of abolishing any detail that may distress or wound them, and of imposing any new measure, which, seen against the background of existing laws, may commend itself from time to time to their instinct and mind.
If we turn from origins to ideals, the contrast between social and political democracy is no less marked. Social democracy is a general ethical ideal, looking to human equality and brotherhood, and inconsistent, in its radical form, with such institutions as the family and hereditary property. Democratic government, on the contrary, is merely a means to an end, an expedient for the better and smoother government of certain states at certain junctures. It involves no special ideals of life; it is a question of policy, namely, whether the general interest will be better served by granting all people an equal voice in elections. For political democracy must necessarily be a government by deputy, and the questions actually submitted to the people can be only very large rough matters of general policy or of confidence in party leaders.

1. The author suggests that the lack of “marked personal eminence” (line 11) is an important feature of a social democracy because
(A) such a society is also likely to contain the seeds of monarchy and aristocracy
(B) the absence of visible social leaders in such a society will probably impede the development of a political democracy
(C) social democracy represents a more sophisticated form of government than political democracy
(D) a society that lacks recognized leadership will be unable to accomplish its cultural objectives
(E) the absence of visible social leaders in such a community is likely to be accompanied by a spirit of cooperation

2. Which one of the following forms of government does the author say is most likely to evolve from a social democracy?
(A) monarchy
(B) government by deputy
(C) political democracy
(D) representative democracy
(E) constitutional democracy

3. The author of the passage suggests that a political democracy is likely to have been immediately preceded by which one of the following forms of social organization?
(A) a social democracy in which the spirit of participation has been diminished by the need to maintain internal security
(B) an aristocratic society in which government leaders have grown insensitive to people’s interests
(C) a primitive society that stresses the radical equality of all its members
(D) a state of utopian brotherhood in which no government exists
(E) a government based on general ethical ideals

4. According to the passage, “the people’s liberty” (line 42) in a political democracy is best defined as
(A) a willingness to accept responsibility for existing governmental forms
(B) a myth perpetrated by aristocratic leaders who refuse to grant political power to their subjects
(C) the ability to impose radically new measures when existing governmental forms are found to be inadequate
(D) the ability to secure concessions from a government that may retain many aristocratic characteristics
(E) the ability to elect leaders whom the people consider socially equal to themselves

5. According to the author of this passage, a social democracy would most likely adopt a formal system of government when
(A) recognized leadership becomes necessary to deal with social problems
(B) people lose the instinctive ability to cooperate in solving social problems
(C) a ruling monarch decides that it is necessary to grant political concessions to the people
(D) citizens no longer consider their social leaders essentially equal to themselves
(E) the human instinct to obey social leaders has been weakened by suspicion and jealousy

6. According to the passage, which one of the following is likely to occur as a result of the discovery that “existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative”?
(A) Aristocratic privileges will be strengthened, which will result in a further loss of the people’s liberty.
(B) The government will be forced to admit its responsibility for the inadequacy of existing political institutions.
(C) The remaining vestiges of less democratic institutions will be banished from government.
(D) People will gain political concessions from the government and a voice in the affairs of state.
(E) People will demand that political democracy conform to the ethical ideals of social democracy.

7. It can be inferred from the passage that the practice of “government by deputy” (line 64) in a political democracy probably has its origins in
(A) aristocratic ideals
(B) human instincts
(C) a commitment to human equality
(D) a general ethical ideal
(E) a policy decision

8. Which one of the following statements, if true, would contradict the author’s notion of the characteristics of social democracy?
(A) Organized governmental systems tend to arise spontaneously, rather than in response to specific problem situations.
(B) The presence of an organized system of government stifles the expression of human equality and brotherhood.
(C) Social democracy represents a more primitive form of communal organization than political democracy.
(D) Prolonged and formal leadership may become necessary in a social democracy when problems arise that cannot be resolved by recourse to the general competence of the people.
(E) Although political democracy and social democracy are radically different forms of communal organization, it is possible for both to contain elements of monarchy.

condign

a) inadequate
b) dignified
c) severe
d) worthy
e) stern

Bottle R contains 250 capsules and costs $6.25. Bottle T contains 130 capsules and costs $2.99. What is the difference between the cost per capsule for bottle R and the cost per capsule for bottle T?
(A) $0.25
(B) $0.12
(C) $0.05
(D) $0.03
(E) $0.002

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Artscience, but that .does not mean that the artist must also be a scientist; an artist uses the fruits of science but need not the theories from which they derive.
(A) precedes..anticipate
(B) incorporates. .understand
(C) transcends. .abandon
(D) iniitates..repudiate
(E) resembles. .contest.

Because of their frequent disarrary, confusion, and loss of memory,those hit by lighting while alone are sometimes ————- victims of assault.
(A) Mistaken for
(B) Attracted to
(C) Unaware of
(D) Avoided of
(E) Useful to

Though it would be_ to expect Barnard to have worked out all of the limitations of his experiment, he must be__ for his neglect of quantitative analysis.
(A). unjust .. pardoned.
(B) impudent.. dismissed
(C) unrealistic . criticize
(D) pointless .. examined
(E) inexcusable .. recognized

NEWSPAPER : BYLINES ::
(A) Magazine : Reviews
(B) Album : Photographs
(C) Movie : Credits
(D) Television : Serials
(E) Train : Passengers

Because many of the minerals found on the ocean floor are still _________ on land, where mining is relatively inexpensive, mining the ocean floor has yet to become a _________ enterprise.

(A) scarce… common
(B) accessible.. .marginal
(C) unidentified.. .subsidized
(D) conserved.. .public
(E) plentiful-profitable

Please reply with detailed analysis.

In a 100 yards race,Jim can beat Roger by 5 yards and Rogger can beat Taylor by 10 yards.By what distance can Jim beat Taylor in the race?

A) 15 yards
B) 14.5 yards
C) 13.5 yards
D) 12.75 yards
E) 12 ards

A manager has $6,000 budgeted for raises for 4 full-time and 2 part-time employees. Each of the full-time employees receives the same raise, which is twice the raise that each of the part-time employees receives. What is the amount of the raise that each full-time employee receives?
(A) $750
(B) $1,000
(C) $1,200
(D) $1,500
(E) $3,000

At a certain bowling alley, it costs $0.50 to rent bowling shoes for the day and $1.25 to bowl 1 game. If a person has $12.80 and must rent shoes, what is the greatest number of complete games that person can bowl in one day?
(A) 7
(B) 8
(C) 9
(D) 10
(E) 11

Of a group of people surveyed in a political poll, 60 percent said that they would vote for candidate R. Of those who said they would vote for R. 90 percent actually voted for R. and of those who did not say that they would vote for R. 5 percent actually voted for R. What percent of the group voted for R?
(A) 56%
(B) 59%
(C) 62%
(D) 65%
(E) 74%

RESOUND : MURMUR ::
(A) Disown : Define
(B) Desert : Recede
(C) Harangue : Recount
(D) Reflect : Ponder
(E) Dazzle : Glimmer

RECLAIM : LAND ::
(A) Salvage : Deliverer
(B) Reiterate : Emphasis
(C) Withdraw : Product
(D) Recycle : Waste
(E) Irrigate : field

obloquy

a) tortuousness
b) directness
c) praise
d) kindling
e) migration